If the federal government has the exclusive right to judge the extent of its own powers, warned the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions' authors (James Madison and Thomas Jefferson, respectively), it will continue to grow - regardless of elections, the separation of powers, and other much-touted limits on government power. —Tom Woods
If the federal government has the exclusive right to judge the extent of its own powers, warned the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions’ authors (James Madison and Thomas Jefferson, respectively), it will continue to grow – regardless of elections, the separation of powers, and other much-touted limits on government power. —Tom Woods
Keynesians think that you can take water from the deep end of the swimming, pump it into the shallow end of the swimming pool and somehow the water level of the swimming pool will rise. —Tom Woods
Keynesians think that you can take water from the deep end of the swimming, pump it into the shallow end of the swimming pool and somehow the water level of the swimming pool will rise. —Tom Woods
There are only two (major) parties today: The Stupid Party and The Evil Party. Once in a while the two parties get together to do something that is both stupid and evil, and that's called Bipartisanship. —Tom Woods
There are only two (major) parties today: The Stupid Party and The Evil Party. Once in a while the two parties get together to do something that is both stupid and evil, and that’s called Bipartisanship. —Tom Woods
School socialization is based on an expectation of obedience, compliance, and conformity. It was about rule following. Learning was secondary. Exuberance was a liability. —Kerry McDonald (Author: Unschooled)
School socialization is based on an expectation of obedience, compliance, and conformity. It was about rule following. Learning was secondary. Exuberance was a liability. —Kerry McDonald (Author: Unschooled)
We have unfortunately created a little class of mini bureaucrats who are more concerned with keeping their jobs and perpetuating the institution as an institution and raising money than they are with spreading the message. When we started out our goal was to spread the word, it was sort of evangelical, to spread the word of liberty out to the world at large and we had people like Murray Rothbard and John Hospers and many other distinguished thinkers of that era involved in the party. Now we’re down to the level of people who are I think for the most part well intended, but when compared to those men are several orders down the intellectual scale and they are absorbed with minutia they are concerned with budgets, they are afraid to say anything that might scare people, that might keep people from voting for us. So it’s become a very timid organization in the past 6 or 8 years. —David Nolan
We have unfortunately created a little class of mini bureaucrats who are more concerned with keeping their jobs and perpetuating the institution as an institution and raising money than they are with spreading the message. When we started out our goal was to spread the word, it was sort of evangelical, to spread the word of liberty out to the world at large and we had people like Murray Rothbard and John Hospers and many other distinguished thinkers of that era involved in the party. Now we’re down to the level of people who are I think for the most part well intended, but when compared to those men are several orders down the intellectual scale and they are absorbed with minutia they are concerned with budgets, they are afraid to say anything that might scare people, that might keep people from voting for us. So it’s become a very timid organization in the past 6 or 8 years. —David Nolan
It is rare to find a utilitarian who is also radical, who burns for immediate abolition of evil and coercion. Utilitarians, with their devotion to expediency, almost inevitably oppose any sort of upsetting or radical change. Hence, utilitarians are never immediate abolitionists. They became mere gradualist reformers.
But in becoming reformers, they also put themselves inevitably into the position of advisers and efficiency experts to the State. In other words, they inevitably came to abandon libertarian principle as well as a principled libertarian strategy. The utilitarians wound up as apologists for the existing order, for the status quo. Thus, they wound up as the image of the thing they had fought. —Murray Rothbard (For a New Liberty)
It is rare to find a utilitarian who is also radical, who burns for immediate abolition of evil and coercion. Utilitarians, with their devotion to expediency, almost inevitably oppose any sort of upsetting or radical change. Hence, utilitarians are never immediate abolitionists. They became mere gradualist reformers. But in becoming reformers, they also put themselves inevitably into the position of advisers and efficiency experts to the State. In other words, they inevitably came to abandon libertarian principle as well as a principled libertarian strategy. The utilitarians wound up as apologists for the existing order, for the status quo. Thus, they wound up as the image of the thing they had fought. —Murray Rothbard (For a New Liberty)