1318: Jimmy Wales – Hayek & Wikipedia

Hayek’s work on price theory is central to my own thinking about how to manage the Wikipedia project. One can’t understand my ideas about Wikipedia without understanding Hayek. —Jimmy Wales, Founder of Wikipedia
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Hayek’s work on price theory is central to my own thinking about how to manage the Wikipedia project. One can’t understand my ideas about Wikipedia without understanding Hayek. —Jimmy Wales, Founder of Wikipedia
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Hayek’s work on price theory is central to my own thinking about how to manage the Wikipedia project. One can’t understand my ideas about Wikipedia without understanding Hayek. —Jimmy Wales, Founder of Wikipedia
Hayek’s work on price theory is central to my own thinking about how to manage the Wikipedia project. One can’t understand my ideas about Wikipedia without understanding Hayek. —Jimmy Wales, Founder of Wikipedia

Hayek’s work on price theory is central to my own thinking about how to manage the Wikipedia project. One can’t understand my ideas about Wikipedia without understanding Hayek. —Jimmy Wales, Founder of Wikipedia

1312: Karl Hess – As Governments Fail

As governments fail around the world, as more millions become aware that government never has and never can humanely and effectively manage men's affairs, government's own inadequacy will emerge, at last, as the basis for a truly radical and revolutionary movement. —Karl Hess
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As governments fail around the world, as more millions become aware that government never has and never can humanely and effectively manage men's affairs, government's own inadequacy will emerge, at last, as the basis for a truly radical and revolutionary movement. —Karl Hess
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As governments fail around the world, as more millions become aware that government never has and never can humanely and effectively manage men's affairs, government's own inadequacy will emerge, at last, as the basis for a truly radical and revolutionary movement. —Karl Hess
As governments fail around the world, as more millions become aware that government never has and never can humanely and effectively manage men's affairs, government's own inadequacy will emerge, at last, as the basis for a truly radical and revolutionary movement. —Karl Hess

As governments fail around the world, as more millions become aware that government never has and never can humanely and effectively manage men’s affairs, government’s own inadequacy will emerge, at last, as the basis for a truly radical and revolutionary movement. —Karl Hess

1307: Karl Hess – Radical and Revolutionary Movements

Both Left and Right are reactionary and authoritarian. That is to say, both are political. They seek only to revise current methods of acquiring and wielding political power. Radical and revolutionary movements seek not to revise but to revoke. The target of revocation should be obvious. The target is politics itself. —Karl Hess (The Death of Politics)
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Both Left and Right are reactionary and authoritarian. That is to say, both are political. They seek only to revise current methods of acquiring and wielding political power. Radical and revolutionary movements seek not to revise but to revoke. The target of revocation should be obvious. The target is politics itself. —Karl Hess (The Death of Politics)
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Both Left and Right are reactionary and authoritarian. That is to say, both are political. They seek only to revise current methods of acquiring and wielding political power. Radical and revolutionary movements seek not to revise but to revoke. The target of revocation should be obvious. The target is politics itself. —Karl Hess (The Death of Politics)
Both Left and Right are reactionary and authoritarian. That is to say, both are political. They seek only to revise current methods of acquiring and wielding political power. Radical and revolutionary movements seek not to revise but to revoke. The target of revocation should be obvious. The target is politics itself. —Karl Hess (The Death of Politics)

Both Left and Right are reactionary and authoritarian. That is to say, both are political. They seek only to revise current methods of acquiring and wielding political power. Radical and revolutionary movements seek not to revise but to revoke. The target of revocation should be obvious. The target is politics itself. —Karl Hess (The Death of Politics)

1270: Michael Malice – No-Knock Raids on Peaceful Citizens

Any officer who executes a no-knock raid on peaceful citizens should be treated with complete hatred & contempt by civilized people. —Michael Malice
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Any officer who executes a no-knock raid on peaceful citizens should be treated with complete hatred & contempt by civilized people. —Michael Malice
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Any officer who executes a no-knock raid on peaceful citizens should be treated with complete hatred & contempt by civilized people. —Michael Malice
Any officer who executes a no-knock raid on peaceful citizens should be treated with complete hatred & contempt by civilized people. —Michael Malice

Any officer who executes a no-knock raid on peaceful citizens should be treated with complete hatred & contempt by civilized people. —Michael Malice

1258: Murray Rothbard – The Abolitionist is a Button Pusher

The abolitionist is a "button pusher" who would blister his thumb pushing a button that would abolish the State immediately if such a button existed. But the abolitionist also knows that alas, such a button does not exist and that he will take a bit of the loaf if necessary — while always preferring the whole loaf if he can achieve it. —Murray Rothbard
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The abolitionist is a "button pusher" who would blister his thumb pushing a button that would abolish the State immediately if such a button existed. But the abolitionist also knows that alas, such a button does not exist and that he will take a bit of the loaf if necessary — while always preferring the whole loaf if he can achieve it. —Murray Rothbard
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The abolitionist is a "button pusher" who would blister his thumb pushing a button that would abolish the State immediately if such a button existed. But the abolitionist also knows that alas, such a button does not exist and that he will take a bit of the loaf if necessary — while always preferring the whole loaf if he can achieve it. —Murray Rothbard
The abolitionist is a "button pusher" who would blister his thumb pushing a button that would abolish the State immediately if such a button existed. But the abolitionist also knows that alas, such a button does not exist and that he will take a bit of the loaf if necessary — while always preferring the whole loaf if he can achieve it. —Murray Rothbard

The abolitionist is a “button pusher” who would blister his thumb pushing a button that would abolish the State immediately if such a button existed. But the abolitionist also knows that alas, such a button does not exist and that he will take a bit of the loaf if necessary — while always preferring the whole loaf if he can achieve it. —Murray Rothbard

1252: Murray Rothbard – Liberty is a Revolutionary Concept

Liberty is a profoundly revolutionary concept and it can only be achieved through the liquidation of the oppressor State. —Murray Rothbard
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Liberty is a profoundly revolutionary concept and it can only be achieved through the liquidation of the oppressor State. —Murray Rothbard
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Liberty is a profoundly revolutionary concept and it can only be achieved through the liquidation of the oppressor State. —Murray Rothbard
Liberty is a profoundly revolutionary concept and it can only be achieved through the liquidation of the oppressor State. —Murray Rothbard

Liberty is a profoundly revolutionary concept and it can only be achieved through the liquidation of the oppressor State. —Murray Rothbard

1213: Michael Malice – The Illusion of Choice

People will say with a straight face that having one choice for dear leader is tyranny – but having two is freedom. ―Michael Malice
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People will say with a straight face that having one choice for dear leader is tyranny – but having two is freedom. ―Michael Malice
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People will say with a straight face that having one choice for dear leader is tyranny – but having two is freedom. ―Michael Malice
People will say with a straight face that having one choice for dear leader is tyranny – but having two is freedom. ―Michael Malice

People will say with a straight face that having one choice for dear leader is tyranny – but having two is freedom. ―Michael Malice

1141: Murray Rothbard – The State is a Criminal Band

If you wish to know how libertarians regard the State and any of its acts, simply think of the State as a criminal band, and all of the libertarian attitudes will logically fall into place. —Murray Rothbard
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If you wish to know how libertarians regard the State and any of its acts, simply think of the State as a criminal band, and all of the libertarian attitudes will logically fall into place. —Murray Rothbard
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If you wish to know how libertarians regard the State and any of its acts, simply think of the State as a criminal band, and all of the libertarian attitudes will logically fall into place. —Murray Rothbard

1112: Larken Rose – Belief in Authority

I'm not scared of the Maos and the Stalins and the Hitlers. I'm scared of the thousands of millions of people that hallucinate them to be "authority", and so do their bidding, and pay for their empires, and carry out their orders. I don't care if there's one looney with a stupid moustache. He's not a threat if the people do not believe in "authority". —Larken Rose

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I'm not scared of the Maos and the Stalins and the Hitlers. I'm scared of the thousands of millions of people that hallucinate them to be "authority", and so do their bidding, and pay for their empires, and carry out their orders. I don't care if there's one looney with a stupid moustache. He's not a threat if the people do not believe in "authority". —Larken Rose

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I'm not scared of the Maos and the Stalins and the Hitlers. I'm scared of the thousands of millions of people that hallucinate them to be "authority", and so do their bidding, and pay for their empires, and carry out their orders. I don't care if there's one looney with a stupid moustache. He's not a threat if the people do not believe in "authority". —Larken Rose

I'm not scared of the Maos and the Stalins and the Hitlers. I'm scared of the thousands of millions of people that hallucinate them to be "authority", and so do their bidding, and pay for their empires, and carry out their orders. I don't care if there's one looney with a stupid moustache. He's not a threat if the people do not believe in "authority". —Larken Rose

I’m not scared of the Maos and the Stalins and the Hitlers. I’m scared of the thousands of millions of people that hallucinate them to be “authority”, and so do their bidding, and pay for their empires, and carry out their orders. I don’t care if there’s one looney with a stupid moustache. He’s not a threat if the people do not believe in “authority”. —Larken Rose

1094: Murray Rothbard – There are No Utilitarian Revolutionaries

It is rare to find a utilitarian who is also radical, who burns for immediate abolition of evil and coercion. Utilitarians, with their devotion to expediency, almost inevitably oppose any sort of upsetting or radical change. Hence, utilitarians are never immediate abolitionists. They became mere gradualist reformers. 

But in becoming reformers, they also put themselves inevitably into the position of advisers and efficiency experts to the State. In other words, they inevitably came to abandon libertarian principle as well as a principled libertarian strategy. The utilitarians wound up as apologists for the existing order, for the status quo. Thus, they wound up as the image of the thing they had fought. —Murray Rothbard (For a New Liberty)

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It is rare to find a utilitarian who is also radical, who burns for immediate abolition of evil and coercion. Utilitarians, with their devotion to expediency, almost inevitably oppose any sort of upsetting or radical change. Hence, utilitarians are never immediate abolitionists. They became mere gradualist reformers. But in becoming reformers, they also put themselves inevitably into the position of advisers and efficiency experts to the State. In other words, they inevitably came to abandon libertarian principle as well as a principled libertarian strategy. The utilitarians wound up as apologists for the existing order, for the status quo. Thus, they wound up as the image of the thing they had fought. —Murray Rothbard (For a New Liberty)