1430: James Madison – The Instruments of Tyranny

The means of defense against foreign danger, have always been the instruments of tyranny at home. Among the Romans, it was a standing maxim to excite a war, whenever a revolt was apprehended. Throughout all Europe, the armies kept up under the pretext of defending, have enslaved the people. —James MadisonDownload Print Quality (7680×4020) 199KB  |  Normal Quality (3840×2010) 111KB
The means of defense against foreign danger, have always been the instruments of tyranny at home. Among the Romans, it was a standing maxim to excite a war, whenever a revolt was apprehended. Throughout all Europe, the armies kept up under the pretext of defending, have enslaved the people. —James MadisonDownload Print Quality (7680×7680) 286KB  |  Normal Quality (3840×3840) 152KB

The means of defense against foreign danger, have always been the instruments of tyranny at home. Among the Romans, it was a standing maxim to excite a war, whenever a revolt was apprehended. Throughout all Europe, the armies kept up under the pretext of defending, have enslaved the people. —James Madison

1425: Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn – A State of War

A state of war only serves as an excuse for domestic tyranny. —Aleksandr SolzhenitsynDownload Print Quality (3840×2010) 1.96MB  |  Normal Quality (1920×1005) 142KB
A state of war only serves as an excuse for domestic tyranny. —Aleksandr SolzhenitsynDownload Print Quality (3840×2744) 2.52MB  |  Normal Quality (1920×1372) 177KB

A state of war only serves as an excuse for domestic tyranny. —Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn

1413: Frederic Bastiat – The Law Defends Plunder

Sometimes the law defends plunder and participates in it. Sometimes the law places the whole apparatus of judges, police, prisons, and gendarmes at the service of the plunderers, and treats the victim — when he defends himself — as a criminal. —Frederic BastiatDownload Print Quality (3840×2010) 2.36MB  |  Normal Quality (1920×1005) 259KB
Sometimes the law defends plunder and participates in it. Sometimes the law places the whole apparatus of judges, police, prisons, and gendarmes at the service of the plunderers, and treats the victim — when he defends himself — as a criminal. —Frederic BastiatDownload Print Quality (3840×2744) 3.30MB  |  Normal Quality (1920×1372) 311KB

Sometimes the law defends plunder and participates in it. Sometimes the law places the whole apparatus of judges, police, prisons, and gendarmes at the service of the plunderers, and treats the victim — when he defends himself — as a criminal. —Frederic Bastiat

1392: Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn – Truth Will Not Be Easy

The truth will not be an easy path. Perhaps, but it is the easiest among those that lie before us. Not an easy choice for the body, but the only one for the soul. No, not an easy path, but then we already have among us people, who have for years lived by the truth. And so: We need not be the first to set out on this path, Ours is but to join! The more of us set out together, the thicker our ranks, the easier and shorter will this path be for us all! If we become thousands—they will not cope, they will be unable to touch us. If we will grow to tens of thousands—we will not recognize our country! —Aleksandr SolzhenitsynDownload Print Quality (7680×4020) 238KB  |  Normal Quality (3840×2010) 118KB
The truth will not be an easy path. Perhaps, but it is the easiest among those that lie before us. Not an easy choice for the body, but the only one for the soul. No, not an easy path, but then we already have among us people, who have for years lived by the truth. And so: We need not be the first to set out on this path, Ours is but to join! The more of us set out together, the thicker our ranks, the easier and shorter will this path be for us all! If we become thousands—they will not cope, they will be unable to touch us. If we will grow to tens of thousands—we will not recognize our country! —Aleksandr SolzhenitsynDownload Print Quality (6144×7680) 307KB  |  Normal Quality (3072×3840) 153KB

The truth will not be an easy path. Perhaps, but it is the easiest among those that lie before us. Not an easy choice for the body, but the only one for the soul. No, not an easy path, but then we already have among us people, who have for years lived by the truth. And so: We need not be the first to set out on this path, Ours is but to join! The more of us set out together, the thicker our ranks, the easier and shorter will this path be for us all! If we become thousands—they will not cope, they will be unable to touch us. If we will grow to tens of thousands—we will not recognize our country! —Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn

1356: Frank Dikotter – The Great Leap Forward

By unleashing China’s greatest asset, a labour force that was counted in the hundreds of millions, Mao thought that he could catapult his country past its competitors. Instead of following the Soviet model of development, which leaned heavily towards industry alone, China would ‘walk on two legs’: the peasant masses were mobilised to transform both agriculture and industry at the same time, converting a backward economy into a modern communist society of plenty for all.

In the pursuit of a utopian paradise, everything was collectivised, as villagers were herded together in giant communes which heralded the advent of communism.

People in the countryside were robbed of their work, their homes, their land, their belongings and their livelihood. Food, distributed by the spoonful in collective canteens according to merit, became a weapon to force people to follow the party’s every dictate.

Irrigation campaigns forced up to half the villagers to work for weeks on end on giant water-conservancy projects, often far from home, without adequate food and rest. The experiment ended in the greatest catastrophe the country had ever known, destroying tens of millions of lives.

—Frank Dikötter, Mao’s Great Famine

1355: Frank Dikotter – Through Suffering


This is a story of Zhao Xiaobai, then aged eleven, a soft-spoken woman with sad eyes. A few years before the Great Leap Forward her family left their native village in Henan to join a migration programme. Her father was made to break ice in the mountains but died of hunger in 1959. Her mother was too ill to work.

One of the local cadres came to the house, banging on the door to announce that slackers would not be fed. Another local bully came at night, pestering her mother for sexual favours. In the end, exhausted, her mother gave up and committed suicide.

Surrounded by strangers speaking an alien dialect, Zhao and her sister aged six ended up living with an uncle. ‘He was reasonable towards me, because I was old enough to go out and work. But he was not nice to my sister.
One day, as it was freezing, my sister came home empty-handed. So he beat her on the head, and she bled pretty badly.’

To protect her sister from her uncle’s abuse, Zhao took the six-year-old with her as she went to work like an adult, digging canals and ploughing fields. Here too she was unsafe. ‘Once, as I was working, I heard my little sister crying, and I saw somebody hurting her. Somebody was using sand balls to hit my sister, and she was surrounded by clumps of sand. Her eyes were covered in grit, and she just cried and cried.’

When asked how she had become the woman she is now, Zhao Xiaobai answered without hesitation: ‘Through suffering.’

—Frank Dikötter, Mao’s Great Famine

1337: Ayn Rand – The Right to Enslave

If some men are entitled by right to the products of the work of others, it means that those others are deprived of rights and condemned to slave labor. No man can have a right to impose an unchosen obligation, an unrewarded duty, or an involuntary servitude on another man. There can be no such thing as “the right to enslave” —Ayn RandDownload Print Quality (7680×4020) 175KB  |  Normal Quality (3840×2010) 90KB
If some men are entitled by right to the products of the work of others, it means that those others are deprived of rights and condemned to slave labor. No man can have a right to impose an unchosen obligation, an unrewarded duty, or an involuntary servitude on another man. There can be no such thing as “the right to enslave” —Ayn RandDownload Print Quality (7680×7680) 303KB  |  Normal Quality (3840×3840) 249KB

If some men are entitled by right to the products of the work of others, it means that those others are deprived of rights and condemned to slave labor. No man can have a right to impose an unchosen obligation, an unrewarded duty, or an involuntary servitude on another man. There can be no such thing as “the right to enslave” —Ayn Rand

1322: Gloria Alvarez – You Cannot Admire Dictators

If you are up for life, if you defend life, you cannot admire murderers. If you are up for defending private property, you cannot admire thieves. If you are up for liberty you cannot admire dictators. —Gloria Alvarez

1320: Thomas DiLorenzo – Lincoln Saved the Federal Union

Thus, Lincoln “saved” the federal union in the same sense that a man who has been abusing his wife “saves” his marital union by violently forcing his wife back into the home and threatening to shoot her if she leaves again. The union may well be saved, but it is not the same kind of union that existed on their wedding day. That union no longer exists. The American union of the founding fathers ceased to exist in April of 1865. —Thomas DiLorenzo, Lincoln Unmasked

1295: Ayn Rand – Businessmen vs. Bureaucrats

	A businessman’s success depends on his intelligence, his knowledge, his productive ability, his economic judgment—and on the voluntary agreement of all those he deals with: his customers, his suppliers, his employees, his creditors or investors. A bureaucrat’s success depends on his political pull. A businessman cannot force you to buy his product; if he makes a mistake, he suffers the consequences; if he fails, he takes the loss. A bureaucrat forces you to obey his decisions, whether you agree with him or not—and the more advanced the stage of a country’s statism, the wider and more discretionary the powers wielded by a bureaucrat. If he makes a mistake, you suffer the consequences; if he fails, he passes the loss on to you, in the form of heavier taxes. —Ayn RandDownload Print Quality (6144×7680) 803KB  |  Normal Quality (3072×3840) 755KB

A businessman’s success depends on his intelligence, his knowledge, his productive ability, his economic judgment—and on the voluntary agreement of all those he deals with: his customers, his suppliers, his employees, his creditors or investors. A bureaucrat’s success depends on his political pull. A businessman cannot force you to buy his product; if he makes a mistake, he suffers the consequences; if he fails, he takes the loss. A bureaucrat forces you to obey his decisions, whether you agree with him or not—and the more advanced the stage of a country’s statism, the wider and more discretionary the powers wielded by a bureaucrat. If he makes a mistake, you suffer the consequences; if he fails, he passes the loss on to you, in the form of heavier taxes.

A businessman cannot force you to work for him or to accept the wages he offers; you are free to seek employment elsewhere and to accept a better offer, if you can find it. (Remember, in this context, that jobs do not exist “in nature,” that they do not grow on trees, that someone has to create the job you need, and that that someone, the businessman, will go out of business if he pays you more than the market permits him to pay you.) A bureaucrat can force you to work for him, when he achieves the totalitarian power he seeks; he can force you to accept any payment he offers—or none, as witness the forced labor camps in the countries of full statism.

The businessman’s tool is values; the bureaucrat’s tool is fear.

—Ayn Rand

A businessman’s success depends on his intelligence, his knowledge, his productive ability, his economic judgment—and on the voluntary agreement of all those he deals with: his customers, his suppliers, his employees, his creditors or investors. A bureaucrat’s success depends on his political pull. A businessman cannot force you to buy his product; if he makes a mistake, he suffers the consequences; if he fails, he takes the loss. A bureaucrat forces you to obey his decisions, whether you agree with him or not—and the more advanced the stage of a country’s statism, the wider and more discretionary the powers wielded by a bureaucrat. If he makes a mistake, you suffer the consequences; if he fails, he passes the loss on to you, in the form of heavier taxes. —Ayn RandDownload Print Quality (770KB)
Normal Quality (786KB)

A businessman’s success depends on his intelligence, his knowledge, his productive ability, his economic judgment—and on the voluntary agreement of all those he deals with: his customers, his suppliers, his employees, his creditors or investors. A bureaucrat’s success depends on his political pull. A businessman cannot force you to buy his product; if he makes a mistake, he suffers the consequences; if he fails, he takes the loss. A bureaucrat forces you to obey his decisions, whether you agree with him or not—and the more advanced the stage of a country’s statism, the wider and more discretionary the powers wielded by a bureaucrat. If he makes a mistake, you suffer the consequences; if he fails, he passes the loss on to you, in the form of heavier taxes.

A businessman cannot force you to work for him or to accept the wages he offers; you are free to seek employment elsewhere and to accept a better offer, if you can find it. (Remember, in this context, that jobs do not exist “in nature,” that they do not grow on trees, that someone has to create the job you need, and that that someone, the businessman, will go out of business if he pays you more than the market permits him to pay you.) A bureaucrat can force you to work for him, when he achieves the totalitarian power he seeks; he can force you to accept any payment he offers—or none, as witness the forced labor camps in the countries of full statism.

The businessman’s tool is values; the bureaucrat’s tool is fear.

—Ayn Rand